As 2019 marks the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s
Republic of China, the most often repeated statement around the world,
including the Arab region, about the Asian rising superpower is: ‘It is very
difficult to understand China’.
Why and how difficult is it to understand a country that is rooted in
traditional Confucianism and follows modern policies rooted in the maxim: “It
doesn’t matter whether the cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice”? When
Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, who is credited with the ‘cat and mice’ saying,
launched the ‘Reform and Opening’ programme in 1978, China’s GDP was merely USD
150 billion (against the US’s USD 2.5 trillion). Forty years later, it is an
astounding USD 14 trillion (against the US’s USD 20 trillion).
China’s Transformation
If understanding this transformation is difficult, one needs to just
look back at the economic history of China. For 1800 of the last 2000 years,
China (and India) was among the biggest economies in the world, according to
British economist Agnus Maddison. The steady return of China to No. 2 in the
global economic leaders table (and perhaps No. 1 over the next decade or two)
means that a prosperous West over the last 200 years is an exception and not a
rule.
In the process of this transformation China has
achieved the following feats: become the largest
trading country worldwide, with about 130 countries being No.1 trade partners;
lifted about 800 million citizens out of poverty; is referred to as the
“world’s factory”; and manages the largest social security system, with basic
old-age pension covering more than 900 million.
If these realities do not help Arabs understand China better, here is
what is in the pipeline. Its economic sea-land connectivity plan called the Belt
and Road Initiative (BRI) – which is spread across Asia, Africa and Europe – is
reportedly worth over USD 1 trillion (compared to the US-led post-World War II
Marshall Plan to counter the Soviet Union’s influence, which was valued at USD 13
billion in 1950 or equivalent of USD 176 billion in 2015). And, China boasts of
a fleet of nearly 350 ships and counting (compared to the US’s declining tally
of 250 ships), which makes it a potential naval/military superpower of the
future.
Arab-China Ties
In relation to the Arab world, the volume of trade between China and the region was nearly USD 250 billion in 2018. Chinese companies also signed new contracts worth about USD 35 billion.
China’s first ‘Arab Policy Paper’ published in 2016 stated that joint
efforts will be made with Arab countries to promote the initiative under the
principle of “wide consultation, joint contribution and shared benefit”.[i] It
also stated that China and Arab countries will adopt the ‘1+2+3 cooperation’
pattern where energy cooperation is the core; infrastructure construction and
trade and investment facilitation are the two wings; and hi-tech fields of
nuclear energy, space satellites and new energy as the three breakthroughs.
A part of this intention has already been fulfilled. After the BRI was
unveiled in 2013, high-level exchanges of visits between the leaders of China
and Arab countries have become frequent. China has signed strategic
partnerships and BRI-related construction agreements with a host of Arab
countries. Further, several Arab countries are founding members of the
Beijing-based Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
Heading East
Despite such an impressive record of Chinese achievements and Arab-China
ties, China still finds itself poorly understood.
David Faure, a social historian at The Chinese University of Hong Kong,
feels it is very important for everyone to understand China’s culture to
understand the country and its policies better. “We have a world history that
is very much centred on Europe and North America…What you have to do is rework
your history to get to understand how China has interacted with the rest of the
world. There is a lot of rethinking required...”[ii]
This takes us to the core of the debate between Occidentalism and
Orientalism or West versus East. It appears that the world mistakenly views the
phenomenon of modernization anywhere, including China, from the prism of
Westernisation. Few actually remember that China’s four great inventions – the
compass, gunpowder, papermaking and printing – spread to other parts of the
world, including Western countries, which eventually helped them become leaders
in various fields.
Faure’s research stresses that “China has not simply copied the West in
the changes of the past three decades, as many Western observers assume….it has
drawn on its own history and traditions as it learns from the West – a process
that will see China evolve not into a clone of the United States but into a
different kind of global power.”[iii]
While this assertion is still far from being realized, it cannot be ruled out either. If this were to indeed happen then Easternisation or Asianisation could become the buzzwords of the future.
The United States is no doubt the most powerful country in the world, but
China is slowly but surely challenging US hegemony.
In doing do, it is important for the Arab world to note that Beijing’s
strategy is to further peace and stability abroad to ensure its own economic
growth, which is key to maintaining domestic power. As part of this agenda, two
principles have been fundamental in West Asia. One, non-interference either in
domestic or inter-state political affairs; and two, emphasis on dialogue and
development, as opposed to the use of force, as the solution to the region’s
problems. Hence, it has followed a ‘risk averse’ policy, without taking sides
in any regional conflict.
To their credit, Arab-China relations have evolved better than
West-China relations. While economic ties are at the centre of Arab-China
bonhomie, Arabs can also take comfort from the fact that China has no colonial
baggage or ambitions.
But as historian Faure notes: “The Chinese government realises it is not
just your money that is going to change the world. No successful state in any
part of the world has advanced its interests simply by military power or
financial power alone. You need something that appeals to common people.” [iv]
This is true because while China’s economic utility is well understood
in the Arab world, China is less active on the cultural diplomacy front
compared to several other Asian countries.
- Historical & Cultural Relations
The 2016 Arab Policy Paper notes that the Arab-China friendship dates
back to more than 2000 years, when land and maritime Silk Roads linked the two
civilizations. It also points out that during this period, “peace and
cooperation, openness and inclusiveness, learning from each other, mutual
benefit and win-win results have always been the main theme of exchanges” [v] between
the two sides.
But with Western colonization, followed by the processes of industrial revolution
and modernization, and the finding of oil in West Asia, the Arab world’s ties
with the West grew at the expense of the East. But this is changing again as
the Western economies decline and the Asian economies, led by China, are making
a comeback, thus enticing the Arab world to recalibrate their ties with the
East.
As part of this recalibration process, the Arab world should be able to
easily relate to Confucianism, a philosophical and religious system of beliefs
that emphasises the importance of respect for rulers, family and social
harmony. These values are not very different from the basic tenets of Islam.
China is aiding in this effort too. As part of its soft power approach
it now manages 540 Confucius Institutes in 160 countries, including the Arab
world. These promote Chinese language and culture globally and enhances
communication between China and other countries.
Besides language diplomacy, cultural diplomacy is also at play through
China organizing academic conferences, cultural, food and book festivals, film
shows and even student exchange programmes.
On the other hand, Arab countries like the UAE have also used
institutions like the Beijing Foreign Studies University to start institutions
like the Sheikh Zayed Centre for Islamic and Arabic Studies to promote Arab
language and culture.
- Tourism
Tourism is another tool in achieving better cultural understanding. The
number of Chinese tourists travelling to the Gulf Arab countries is forecast to
jump from 1.6 million to 2.9 million between 2018 and 2022. On the flip side,
in order to attract Arab tourists, China is unleashing a new strategy of the ‘Sino-Arab
cultural bridge’ in, for example, Yinchuan, where a ‘World Muslim City’ is
being constructed. These are bound to improve people-to-people ties in the
future.
Looking Ahead
Moving forward, three factors will determine
Arab-China ties. First, China will be the biggest buyer
of fossil fuel from the Arab world. Second, the oil-economic
interdependence will also encourage a new security relationship, thus diversifying
the current US-centric security scenario. And, finally, Chinese policy
towards its 20 million Uighurs and other Muslims especially in Xinjiang, will
also be a factor, though the first two will be the overbearing determinants.
In such a milieu, the Arab understanding of China can improve by being
considerate about commonalities rather than differences, especially by
identifying each other as Asian and understanding that both are seeking to
achieve economic success without political reforms. These will help the Arab world
view the rise of China as an opportunity rather than a threat, encourage better
East-East integration and ensure a win-win situation.
[ii] Parry, S. (2018,
August 2). To understand China and its future, look to its past, social
historian says. Post
Magazine . doi:
https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/2157904/understand-china-and-its-future-look-its-past