أخبار المركز
  • أحمد عليبة يكتب: (هاجس الموصل: لماذا يخشى العراق من التصعيد الحالي في سوريا؟)
  • محمود قاسم يكتب: (الاستدارة السريعة: ملامح المشهد القادم من التحولات السياسية الدرامية في كوريا الجنوبية)
  • السيد صدقي عابدين يكتب: (الصدامات المقبلة: مستقبل العلاقة بين السلطتين التنفيذية والتشريعية في كوريا الجنوبية)
  • د. أمل عبدالله الهدابي تكتب: (اليوم الوطني الـ53 للإمارات.. الانطلاق للمستقبل بقوة الاتحاد)
  • معالي نبيل فهمي يكتب: (التحرك العربي ضد الفوضى في المنطقة.. ما العمل؟)

Crucial Election

Mapping the Political Parties in the Algerian Legislative Elections

07 مايو، 2017


The Algerian legislative elections, taking place on Thursday May 4, demonstrate that the country is moving towards a greater democracy, regardless of the doubts accompanying the campaign, and the calls for boycotting the election. 

In contrast, some observers inside and outside Algeria, argue that the attempt to "institutionalize" politics in Algeria has expanded in terms of quantity and shrunk in terms of quality. They further argued that the elections will unlikely lead to a change in the pyramid of power, particularly the presidency, after the current co-opting of all anti and pro-parties. 

Three Experiments

The Algerian parliamentary elections have gone through three previous experiments related to the establishment of a pluralistic democratic life, as follows:

The first experiment drew its legitimacy from the 23 February 1989 constitution that endorsed pluralism, putting an end to the one party-era regime, which lasted 27 years, and ended with the victory of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in December 1991. The results of those elections were cancelled with the resignation of president Chadli Bendjedid, after which the country descended into violent civil war for years, came to be known as the Red Decade or (the Black Decade in some writings).

The second experiment gained its legitimacy after the election of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, April 1999, and was further reinforced further when the strong major parties joined the president. A coalition was formed of national and Islamic forces, and left-wing forces joined them later, removing the barriers between political movements. Thus, the People’s National Assembly turned to focus on how to enact laws that serve the president, where most of its members approved the successive governmental programs, even those rejected by certain forces in society. 

The third experiment and current one is a product of constitutional amendments adopted on February 7, 2016, creating High Independent Authority for Election Monitoring (HIISE), based on article 194 of the amended constitution, which refers to an organic law to determine how to apply them. Articles 16 and15 of the organic law, issued in 25 August 2016, instate the formation of a body of 410 members who are divided evenly between judges. These judges will be named by the Supreme Council of Justice, independent cadres from the civil society to be appointed by the President.

Parties’ Interest

The significance of the current legislative elections stems from three things: firstly, it is the first election after the constitutional amendment and the establishment of the HIISE. Secondly, it involves the participation of strong and active political parties, even the opposing parties that previously boycotted various elections, including the latest election in 2012. Thirdly, it comes amidst a difficult economic status Algeria has been facing since the drop in oil prices.  

Participating parties attach a particular interest to these elections because the results will not only determine their role, future, and place in the political map, but their participation in the formation of the government as well. 

Participating Parties

There are 57 political parties participating in these elections, more than 12,000 candidates vying for 462 seats, divided between big and effective parties, and other small and ineffectual. Those parties can be divided as follows: 

First: National Movement

It consists of two major parties, which took turns during the previous period in forming and leading the government; the rivalry between them is fierce to the point of exclusion:

1- The National Liberation Front (FLN) party, led by Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and its general Secretary Djamel Ould Abbas, is the largest Algerian political party. It is the successor of the National Liberation Front movement, which staged the Algerian revolution against French occupation. It remained from 1962 to 1989 the sole ruling party in Algeria since independence. The party won a majority of seats in the People’s National Assembly (APN) (the lower house of Parliament) in the legislative elections held in January 2012, with 220 seats.

2- The National Rally for Democracy (RND), led by Ahmed Ouyahia, was founded in February 1997, and is considered the second most powerful political party in the country. Its bylaw affirms that it is "based on the principles and objectives of 1 November 1954 statement”, and that its intellectual reference is the historical credit of the national movement for the nation, a partner in the government that came second in the legislative elections of 2012, with 68 seats.

Second: Islamic Movement

The current legislative elections feature the participation of two major Islamic coalitions, after disagreements, and struggles for the leadership of those parties, aiming to achieve victory that would allow them to enter the parliament and have a share in the government. It is noteworthy that the Islamist parties combined won 60 seats out of the total 462 seats of the Council of the Nation in 2012 election. 

The first block includes three influential parties in coalition: the Islamic Renaissance Movement (MRI or Ennahda), the National Building Movement (MEN, or El Binaa), and the Front for Justice and Development (FJD, or El Adala). The three parties signed what is called a "strategic alliance" document in last January, to run the legislative elections.  

According to the above-mentioned document, the coalition aims to achieve 14 goals, including: "preservation of sovereignty, safeguard national unity and defend the individual and collective rights and freedoms," and "rapprochement with all political formations that serve the national interest, and develop institutional culture".

The second coalition includes the Movement of Society for Peace (MSP or HMS) and the Front for Change. The two Islamic parties announced their merger in January 2017, both represent the Muslim Brotherhood. HMS was founded in 1991 after enacting pluralism system in Algeria, and was formerly known as the Islamic Society Movement (Hamas), then changed its name to (HMS) after the authorities refused to establish religious or ethnic or regional-based parties. The Front for Change was founded in early 2012 after a split in HMS leadership due to internal disagreements.

Third: Left Movement

This movement consists of the Socialist Forces Front, a leftist party described as the oldest opposition party in Algeria, founded in 1963, where the late leader Hocine Ait Ahmed assumed its leadership, but resigned in May 2013. The party enjoys great popularity and support in the Kabyles tribal area. Though the party boycotted the legislative elections of 2002 and 2007, it participated in the 2012 elections, winning the fourth place, with 26 seats. 

This movement also includes the Worker’s Party, a socialist Trotskyism-based party, founded in 1990, and led by Louisa Hanoune, former presidential candidate, since its foundation. It is one of the key parties in the political scene and the fifth political force in parliament with 24 seats.  

Furthermore, the left-wing movement includes the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD), a secular opposition party, founded in December 1989. It is political weight is concentrated in the tribal area of Kabyles. It participated in forming the government in 1999 following Bouteflika's arrival to power, exited in 2001, and boycotted the 2012 legislative elections.

Fourth: Small Parties

More than 40 parties are participating in the current legislative elections aiming to achieve individual goals and other goals required by the security apparatuses. Most of these parties were mostly established to split the ranks of other parties or overthrow some political leaders. Some leaders of those parties were nominated for the presidency, some hold ministerial portfolios, while others are still unknown up till now, because they do not have political history.  

The most important of these parties are: Union for Democracy and the Republic, and the Movement of Free Citizens, New Generation, the New Algeria Front, National Front for Social Justice, Future Front, Youth Party, National Front for Dignity, National Front for Freedoms, Algerian National Party, Democratic Youth Party, New Dawn, Union of Social Democratic Forces, and the Front for Good Governance.

While 57 political parties declared their participation in the elections, others vowed to boycott, in particular the Freedom Vanguard party, led by former Prime Minister Ali Benflis, and the New Generation, led by Soufiane Djilali. In addition, there are the spokesmen of the Democratic and Social Union Party (under construction), Karim Tabbou and Ali Ben Wari for Nation’s Call party (under construction). However, such parties will not affect the general process of the elections, according to forecasts.

In sum, the Islamic parties block will unlikely secure the number of seats earned in the previous elections. Major parties are likely to lose and other parties to decline. Thus, the outcome of this elections, regardless of the turnout, will determine the future of Algerian parties and their role in the upcoming stage of political scene in the country.