Less than 6 months into the Taliban takeover in Kabul on the 15th of August 2021, the Afghan economy has already lost over 5 billion US dollars [1]. Since then, the economic crisis has deepened, with half of the population living in poverty and 15 million people facing subsistence insecurity [2]. Despite this, the Taliban continues to enforce strict restrictions on women, preventing them from pursuing education beyond elementary school, holding most jobs, and participating in public life. These measures will not only exacerbate Afghanistan's economic crisis but also deepen social and political unrest.

Fragile Progress 

The consolidation of the Taliban’s power in 1996 involved a direct assault on women’s freedom. Women were restricted to their homes, forced to adorn the burqa, denied access to education, and, except for poppy cultivation and opium harvesting, prohibited from holding jobs [3].

When the Taliban fell in 2001 following Operation Enduring Freedom, the new government made strides toward granting women various rights. Western efforts provided an opportunity for some women. For example, in 2003, only six percent of girls were enrolled in secondary school, but by 2017, that number had increased to 40 percent [4].

Increasing education rates and greater economic freedoms have enabled women to make significant contributions to various aspects of Afghanistan’s development. However, these advancements have not adequately reached the rural areas, where 78 percent of Afghan women live [5]. Deep-rooted social norms have hindered meaningful change in the daily lives of women. For example, in regions like Herat or Pashtun, only 2 percent of girls completed secondary school[6]. Paid labor continues to carry a stigma, leading most rural women to engage in traditional occupations such as carpet and hat making, as well as embroidery, which are socially acceptable. The sale of these products is typically handled by male family members. Furthermore, women face mobility restrictions and are required to have a male chaperone (known as a 'mahram') for their commutes, despite this not being a legal requirement.

Urban women also gained access to decision-making roles that were previously unavailable to them. The Ministry for Women’s Affairs (MOWA) was set up to “secure and expand the legal rights of women and ensure the rule of law within their lives” and several women rose to prominent positions.  Despite the presence of several women in prominent positions, they often had to confront issues such as sexual violence, discrimination, corruption, and underfunding. These challenges significantly limited their ability to make a substantial impact on legislation. Thus, the MOWA frequently found itself hindered by cultural norms that it was ill-equipped to navigate. Many academics argued policies were often “copy-pasted” and designed based on the realities of Western countries, rather than taking into account the specific context of Afghanistan [7]. Nevertheless, the fact that women constituted 27 percent of Afghanistan’s parliament, the highest proportion in South Asia at the time, served as a symbol of the slow but determined progress towards equality [8].

The progressive policy gains achieved during these 20 years were fragile due to their implementation by primarily external pressure rather than domestic support. This made them vulnerable to reversal after the coalition's withdrawal, even without the Taliban's efforts. Over the past two and a half years, the Taliban have swiftly dismantled two decades of progress. In September 2021, they disbanded the MOWA, resulting in the loss of thousands of jobs for women and men. The Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, which enforces the regime's strict interpretation of Islam, replaced it. This move set the tone for the Taliban's agenda, leading to draconian restrictions on every aspect of women's lives.

Economic Collapse

Since 2021, the Afghan economy has contracted by 27 percent, leaving 7 out of 10 Afghans struggling to meet their basic needs for food, healthcare, and work [9]. Despite this, the Taliban continues its crackdown on women’s jobs. For instance, in 2023 the closure of beauty salons resulted in the loss of over 60,000 jobs [10]. Additionally, women have been barred from most government jobs. In the private sphere, social restrictions make it difficult for women to navigate the limited job opportunities available to them. 

Under the 2001 Republic, approximately 57,000 women-led small and medium-sized enterprises were established [11]. However, these women faced not only the usual challenges that impede Afghan business owners, such as limited market and financial access, but also frequent discrimination and harassment. One female business owner claims, "The Taliban does not let us renew our business license. We should introduce a man as the owner of the company” [12]. Furthermore, women are required to be accompanied by a mahram during commutes, adding another logistical hurdle to their already challenging circumstances.

The loss of employment and restrictions on physical mobility have caused many working women to return to traditional home-based businesses, significantly reducing their incomes. According to the UN, this will cost Afghanistan up to $1 billion, a burden the country can hardly bear during the current economic crisis. Additionally, UNESCO reports that "80% of Afghan girls and young women are out of school” [13]. The Taliban claims that this ban is a result of economic shortages, which have hindered their ability to provide a safe educational environment and a curriculum that aligns with Sharia principles [14].  However, the specifics of this curriculum remain unclear. Given the Taliban's history, this excuse has raised concerns on the international stage. 

Many brave young girls risk their lives daily to attend underground education centers that operate under the guise of religious studies. However, these efforts cannot make up for a lack of formal education, especially when these education centers are frequently raided by morality police and operate with very limited funding [15]. This paints a bleak picture for Afghanistan’s future; if nothing changes, there will be no educated women left to occupy the limited jobs still available to them.  

Afghanistan is currently experiencing a brain drain, with millions of well-educated nationals fleeing the country and becoming the third-largest displaced population in the world. This is a clear blow to the Afghan economy. Additionally, the impact of gender disparities in education and employment in hindering economic growth is well documented [16]. Over the past two decades, women have contributed to all dimensions of Afghanistan’s economic development. With half the population being denied education, it is unclear how the Taliban intends to address this deficit. 

Foreign Aid

The regime’s blatant violations of the 2020 Doha agreement and its acts of violence against women (VAW) have led to its isolation on the global stage. This isolation is particularly concerning given that 75 percent of Afghanistan's public spending relies on international aid [17]. As a result, the imposition of sanctions and the decrease in development assistance have significant consequences for the country’s citizens. 

Furthermore, the ban on women working in international NGOs and the social sector has discouraged potential donors from providing support. This skepticism is justified, as aid must now be channeled through official channels, which could potentially allow the Taliban to divert funds for their own purposes [18].

In the meantime, nearly 97 percent of Afghanistan’s population is currently at risk of poverty, highlighting the severity of the economic crisis [19]. The authorities have responded by implementing harsher punishments, including public flogging, hangings, and hand amputations. However, these measures have proven ineffective in curbing public dissent. For instance, in 2022, in Ghor province, a Taliban chief had his motorbike stolen while he was flogging robbery suspects [20]. It is clear that harsher punishments alone will not deter crime unless the Taliban addresses the underlying economic issues.

The rise in dissent is also evident in challenges to the Taliban’s authority. The National Resistance Front (NRF), composed of former figures from the Ashraf Ghani Administration, emerged in Panjshir province immediately after the Taliban seized power. The NRF has called for the overthrow of the Taliban. Additionally, the Islamic State-Khorasan, Afghanistan's version of ISIS, has expanded its attacks from six provinces in 2021 to 11 by mid-2022 [21]. As the economy continues to crumble, these groups might capitalize on popular frustrations and pose a greater threat to the regime.

Clearly, there are significant benefits to be gained from granting women more freedoms, such as the opportunity to work in the social sector. This not only enables greater external support in dealing with domestic emergencies but also enhances the Taliban's internal security and international reputation.

Social Impacts

According to an interview with an Afghan women’s focus group, “the first immediate impact of girls’ education ban in Afghanistan [is that] forced and underage marriages have [increased]” [22]. This highlights the disproportionate impact poverty can have on women. Indeed, while some marriages are forced, in many cases, young women willingly enter into marriage due to a lack of other opportunities [23]. It should be noted that in most regions of Afghanistan, female education remained controversial even under the Republic. The top-down implementation of Western institutions was unpopular and led many people to view education as a conduit for the corruption of Afghan women. In highly conservative areas, like Pashtun, for example, a woman’s role is confined to the domestic sphere. It goes without saying that there are distinctions within the Pashtun community itself, with urban Pashtuns being much more accepting of female education than their rural counterparts. However, in general, women have long faced harassment, abduction, and rape which can lead to severe familial backlash and social ostracization. As a result, many rural Afghans prefer to keep their daughters out of school than risk societal stigma. 

Still, the Taliban endorsement of these traditions has deprived girls of any remaining hope they may have had. Moreover, by dismantling numerous social laws that safeguarded women, they have created an environment that allows adversaries of women's rights to perpetrate violence against them. This is evident in the escalating rates of domestic violence. 

For instance, the closure of gender-based violence courts and women-led civil society organizations has left women with no recourse beyond their families to address abuse. Consequently, it is unsurprising that these circumstances have resulted in a "mental health crisis precipitated by a women's rights crisis” [24]. Although Afghanistan has long grappled with mental health issues, the sharp increase in the number of women attempting suicide and engaging in self-harm can be directly attributed to their brutal subjugation under the Taliban.

Moving Forward

It is clear that long-term progress necessitates the education of women and girls as a first step. Previous solutions have been foreign impositions that were at odds with popular will. They ignored contextual factors, resulting in progress for only a small percentage of women. Years of bitter civil war also pushed conservatives to more extremist ends and caused them to view these impositions as a manifestation of Western cultural hegemony.

With this in mind, focusing on aiding and promoting religious education for women could be an effective way to address multiple problems. Reframing education in a religious context might increase conservative support. This will not only reduce female illiteracy but gradually foster an acceptance of women’s education. The Taliban have allowed women to pursue religious school, and as aforementioned in section 2, this is already recognized as a caveat for resistance. 

Setting up distance learning can also be a way to protect against VAW and address the concerns of rural families. It will also increase digital literacy, facilitating self-driven learning and connecting Afghan women with the rest of the world.  Considering the schisms within the Taliban leadership, with older members being more open to female education than the younger generation raised during the U.S occupation, these suggestions present a realistic compromise.

If Afghanistan is to escape the current crisis, women must be able to use their skills to further Afghanistan’s economic growth. Increasing education, in a way that is sensitive to cultural restraints, will not only help women and girls develop these skills but will also make strides toward the normalization of women’s participation in the public sphere.